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bleucheese
Veejay
Joined: Aug 01, 2003
Posts: 1994
Location: this side of the tracks
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 Posted:
Apr 16, 2005 - 04:17 PM |
 
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| Post subject: Thousands prοtest in Shanghai... |
while I enjoyed this beautiful afternoon.
I actually woudve gone but...
1) When the government calls for a march, I dont pick up the phone.
2) I really dont know what this hullabaloo is all about.
3) The hangover.
4) Bloody Marys and a good fryup got in my way.
www.nytimes.com
Thousands Rally in Shanghai, Attacking Japanese Consulate
By HOWARD W. FRENCH and JOSEPH KAHN
Published: April 16, 2005
SHANGHAI, Saturday, April 16 - More than 10,000 demonstrators gathered outside the Japanese Consulate in Shanghai on Saturday, attacking it with bottles and rocks as hundreds of police, many of them from special antiriot squads, looked on passively.
The assault on this city's consulate was the culmination of a march that began in central Shanghai early in the morning, and drew thousands of participants along a 1o-mile route. The demonstrators chanted slogans like, "Show China's strength," "Japan out of Asia," and "Down with little Japan."
Near the consulate, in the surrounding Hongqiao district, as the demonstrators massed they overturned cars and smashed storefronts displaying Japanese writing. Chinese store owners in the area posted Chinese flags in their windows to avoid becoming targets.
As hundreds of police officers and paramilitary troops in riot gear filled streets in Beijing's main embassy district and around Tiananmen Square, there were no signs that plans for prοtests in the capital had come to fruition.
Internet bulletins boards and cellphone text messages sent nationwide called for anti-Japan rallies in as many as 21 cities this weekend, while others promoted prοtest marches on sensitive anniversary dates in May and June. Although the police permitted at least the Shanghai demonstration and one in Hangzhou, officials expressed alarm that a carefully monitored anti-Japan rally in Beijing last weekend had apparently set off a flood of grass-roots organizing that could further upset relations with Japan and undermine China's own social stability.
"Express your patriotic passion in an orderly manner," the Beijing police said in a statement posted on the Internet on Friday.
Beijing tolerated - some say helped organize - the prοtests last weekend to underscore its diplomatic dispute with Japan over history textbooks, oil and gas reserves in the East China Sea, and Japan's bid to join the United Nations Security Council. But the reaction of authorities to a second wave of prοtests suggests that they fear matters are getting out of hand. Unrest of any kind could open the door for people to rally against government corruption and land seizures, or to complain about economic inequality or political repression.
"Nationalism is a double-edged sword," said a leading campaigner for peasant rights and rural health care. He said government critics had already begun to take advantage of a rare easing of tight political controls. "It can help the government gain support, but it can also help people who see the government as part of the problem," he said.
The timing is also sensitive because the Japanese foreign minister, Nobutaka Machimura, will be in China on Sunday and Monday. Mr. Machimura told reporters in Tokyo on Friday that he would insist that China stop its tacit approval of anti-Japan demonstrations, which damaged the Japanese Embassy in Beijing last weekend. "I want the Chinese people to recognize and understand that Japan-China relations are being negatively impacted" by the rallies, he said.
The Japanese Embassy warned its citizens living in China to avoid the demonstrations. The United States Embassy also alerted Americans to be wary, saying while prοtests were aimed at Japan they could turn against "foreigners in general."
Many anti-Japan Web sites have been blocked in recent days as authorities have sought to reassert control over public discourse. Universities in Beijing and Shanghai closed off access to online bulletin boards popular among students and warned them "to refrain from protesting and spreading or believing rumors," as a notice on the Web site of Tsinghua University put it.
A circular sent to companies and government agencies in Shanghai on Friday called on managers to ensure that their employees obeyed regulations on protesting.
Despite such cautions, detailed notices of rallies planned for Shanghai and Hangzhou on Saturday remained widely accessible online. One lengthy Internet posting listed dos and don'ts for a Shanghai prοtest planned for Saturday morning, including lists of approved slogans and an appeal "not to carry any Japanese cameras or other electronic goods."
| Quote: |
| Unrest of any kind could open the door for people to rally against government corruption and land seizures, or to complain about economic inequality or political repression. |
HMMMMmmmmmmmm.... |
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jamiejah
Low Seater
Joined: Mar 21, 2004
Posts: 3010
Status: Offline
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Apr 16, 2005 - 04:29 PM |
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if people like growds why don,t they go to Delhi train station
tons off kids also
good atmosphere
plenty of police with big sticks milling around |
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n00b
PopStar
Joined: Apr 27, 2004
Posts: 1130
Location: Hua Guo Mountain
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Apr 16, 2005 - 06:30 PM |
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one honda accord on huang jin cheng dao was flipped (a bit further from belagio restuarant), but that's all...
shopping at carrefour was way nice, not many people...
japanese were watching from across the street...
the taxi driver was saying those were jiao tong students... |
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Rio
Post Boaster
Joined: Dec 04, 2004
Posts: 4724
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Apr 16, 2005 - 06:36 PM |
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jamiejah
Low Seater
Joined: Mar 21, 2004
Posts: 3010
Status: Offline
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Apr 16, 2005 - 06:50 PM |
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yep ,the japanese companies are all ready talking about moving out,and this is after little provocation.There are plenty off places in the world with efficient and cost effective work force than the Chinese.
in a word SHEEP |
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karnex420
Raver
Joined: Mar 08, 2004
Posts: 488
Location: Shanghai, China
Status: Offline
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Apr 16, 2005 - 11:48 PM |
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WSWS : News & Analysis : Asia
Japan stokes tensions with China
By John Chan
16 April 2005
Tensions between Japan and China are continuing to escalate. Tokyo has harshly criticised Beijing’s failure to put an end to anti-Japanese prοtests, which are set to erupt again this weekend. After demonstrations last weekend, Japan’s Foreign Minister Nobutaka Machimura summoned the Chinese ambassador in Tokyo to lodge a formal complaint, demanding an apology, stronger security measures for the Japanese embassy and businesses in China, and compensation for damage.
Tens of thousands of people took part in demonstrations in dozens of cities across China last weekend. In Beijing, prοtesters gathered outside the Japanese embassy in Beijing, chanted anti-Japanese slogans and hurled rocks at the building. In Shanghai, two Japanese students were beaten up. The prοtests, which began as an Internet campaign against Japan’s efforts to gain a seat on the UN Security Council, were further inflamed by the official Japanese approval of a history textbook that whitewashes the crimes of Japanese imperialism in the 1930s and 1940s.
Japan’s demands have put China in a quandary. Having openly embraced capitalist relations, the Beijing bureaucracy has increasingly stirred up nationalist sentiment as a means of creating a social base for the regime and to divert attention from mounting social tensions. At the same time, however, China does not want to jeopardise economic relations with Japan, which is a major investor and trading partner.
Above all, Beijing fears that any prοtests will rapidly get out of its control and become a focus for widespread anger and discontent against the government over deepening social inequality, unemployment and poverty. While seeking to rein in the demonstrations, Chinese leaders cannot afford to appear to be appeasing Japan, which could trigger a broader movement and destabilise the regime itself. Beijing has clamped down on websites calling for demonstrations, and declared that it does not endorse “violence”. It has urged people this weekend to attend only officially authorised prοtests.
The Japanese government, on the other hand, is deliberately turning up the heat. In the midst of the first wave of prοtests, Japanese authorities gave the green light for the publication of controversial new history textbooks drawn up by the right-wing Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform. The avowed aim of the society is to encourage Japanese nationalism and pride in Japan’s wartime “liberation” of Asia. It dismisses Japanese wartime atrocities as the product of Western propaganda.
The new history textbooks, for example, deny that Japan deliberately provoked war with China in July 1937, repeating the absurd pretext that the full-scale Japanese invasion resulted from an isolated incident of Chinese guards firing on Japanese troops. The books also blame China for “forcing” Japan to intervene and annex Korea in 1890s and then Manchuria in 1931. References to Japanese troops exploiting “comfort woman” or forced sex slaves—most of them Chinese and Korean—have been dropped.
Controversy first erupted over the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform in July 2001 when the government of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi formally rejected demands from South Korea and China for revisions to the society’s books. The society, which was established in 1997, includes hundreds of political and business leaders and is sponsored by major corporations such as Mitsubishi Motors and Isuzu Motors. The recent decision to authorise new texts in the midst of anti-Japanese prοtests in China can only be interpreted as a calculated move to heighten tensions.
If any further confirmation of Koizumi’s provocative intentions were required, it was provided on Wednesday. Tokyo announced that it had authorised Japanese companies to begin drilling for oil in an area of the East China Sea that is in dispute between the two countries. Having refrained from taking such a step for years, the move in the midst of the current crisis has only hardened Beijing’s position. China lodged a formal prοtest and declared that it “retains the right to take further action” over the drilling. Both countries are major importers of oil and gas and thus rivals for supplies.
China, which holds a permanent UN Security Council seat and thus a veto, has taken a tougher stance on Japan’s membership of the body. Speaking on Tuesday, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao declared that Japan had to “face up” to its wartime history. “Only a country that respects history, takes responsibility for history and wins over the trust of peoples in Asia and the world at large can take greater responsibilities in the international community,” he said.
Japanese nationalism
Japanese politicians have blamed Beijing for the tensions and accused it of stirring up nationalism. Speaking on the television program “Sunday Project”, Shinzo Abe, acting secretary general of Japan’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), declared that deepening social inequality was behind the anti-Japanese prοtests. Beijing, he claimed, was using Japan as “an outlet to vent that anger”. While the Chinese bureaucracy certainly encourages nationalism for that purpose, the same is true of the Japanese government.
Prime Minister Koizumi, in particular, has pursued a political strategy of whipping up right-wing nationalism both to divert social discontent and to pursue the ambitions of sections of the Japanese ruling class to rearm and to take a more aggressive stance within the Asian Pacific region. Shortly after coming to power in 2001, Koizumi provoked the initial controversy over the textbooks and then pointedly visited the Yasakuni shrine where convicted Japanese war criminals are interred.
After more than a decade of economic stagnation, unemployment in Japan is at record levels, the guarantee of life-long employment is disappearing and social inequality is growing. These shifts have produced deep-going social tensions and widespread alienation from the entire political establishment, reflected in plunging voter turnouts for elections. Koizumi is seeking to fashion a social base for the LDP by promoting a revival of Japanese nationalism and militarism.
At the same time, Koizumi has sought to circumvent the so-called pacifist clause in Japan’s post-World War II constitution that limits Japan’s military to the country’s immediate defence. The key factor in enabling him to do so has been the backing of the Bush administration, which has encouraged Japan to change its constitution, to build up its military and to take a more “active” role in North East Asia—against China in particular.
Despite overwhelming popular opposition in Japan, Koizumi committed troops to the US occupation of Iraq—both to cement ties with Washington and as a precedent for the dispatch of Japanese military forces to other active war zones. With the backing of Washington, Japan has pursued an aggressive policy in North East Asia.
Last November, Tokyo responded to the intrusion of a Chinese submarine into Japanese waters by dispatching warships to chase the vessel and by stirring up an outcry against China. In December, a National Defence Program Outline identified China for the first time as Japan’s largest security concern in the next decade. In a joint statement with the US in mid-February, Japan, again for the first time, openly referred to Taiwan as a mutual security concern—a move that potentially commits Japan to join the US in backing Taiwan in a war with China.
Significantly, in the current crisis the Bush administration has lined up behind Koizumi. White House spokesman Richard Boucher declared on Tuesday: “China does have a responsibility to prevent violence against foreign missions in Beijing. We think that it’s very regrettable that this one did turn violent; it was not under control.” As well as underscoring the hypocrisy of Washington’s ritual calls for “freedom of expression” in China, the statement will only encourage Koizumi to take tougher measures. His decision to give the green light for drilling in the East China Sea came the following day.
Corporate nervousness in Japan
Within Japan, Koizumi is exploiting the crisis to the hilt to quell opposition to his policies. Posturing as the defender of Japanese citizens, he demanded on Tuesday that China take “responsibility in securing Japanese free activity in China. We need this to be fully acknowledged by China”. LDP secretary general Tsutomu Takebe went one step further, denouncing the Chinese demonstrations on Sunday as “almost equal to attacking Japan”.
At the same time, there is a distinct nervousness in ruling circles in Tokyo over the potential economic fall-out from the confrontation. Japan’s recent limited “recovery” has been based on exports to China and the increased exploitation of cheap Chinese labour. The Nikkei share market index has already fallen sharply, with corporations and banks with investments in China hit especially hard.
Takeo Fukui, chief executive of the auto giant Honda, told a press conference: “We are worried. We want to stay low-key at this sensitive time, and we want to reduce the number of overseas trips [to China].” Local Japanese executives have been instructed to be careful and to avoid addressing Chinese workers as baka or stupid, a wartime insult used by Japanese troops. Japanese companies are notorious for their physical abuse of workers in China as well as low wages and poor conditions.
These concerns are reflected in “liberal” sections of the Japanese press, which have reservations about Koizumi’s right-wing nationalism. An editorial yesterday in the Asahi Shimbun, for instance, called for “cool heads” over drilling in the East China Sea and “efforts to build a mature relationship from which everyone can benefit”. Earlier in the week, the newspaper opposed the official endorsement of the new history textbooks. At the same time, however, the newspaper has declared that the Chinese government must “not tolerate such violent demonstrations”.
The Asahi Shimbun’s concession to anti-Chinese sentiment underlines the degree to which the entire political establishment has lined up behind Koizumi. Significantly, the opposition Democratic Party of Japan is also falling in behind Koizumi’s campaign, with its deputy leader Ichiro Ozawa declaring: “It’s unforgivable that the Chinese government gave demonstrators silent approval.”
It is yet to be seen to what extent this nationalist campaign will be successful. Large sections of the population, particularly young people, are antagonistic not just to the government, but all political parties. Moreover there is a deeply rooted hostility to attempts to revive Japanese militarism as demonstrated by the widespread opposition to the dispatch of Japanese troops to Iraq and efforts to revive the ideology and symbols of Japan’s wartime imperial regime.
In ruling circles internationally, there are fears that the tensions in North East Asia could lead to a political collapse in China, open conflict between the two countries, or both.
Referring to the precedent of the May 4 movement in 1919, when anti-Japanese prοtests turned on a corrupt Chinese government, the Financial Times warned: “That pattern has persisted to this day. And so has the explosive mixture in Chinese rebellions of xenophobia and anti-government prοtests... It is often forgotten that student prοtests in China in the 1980s, culminating in Tiananmen Square in 1989, also began with riots against foreign students and ‘Japanese militarism’.
“Even as the latest anti-Japanese demonstrations erupted in Beijing and Shanghai, tens of thousands of villagers began rioting in Zhejiang province [last Sunday], protesting against miserable economic and environmental conditions. Anti-Japanese demonstrations spilled over to Hong Kong this week and many more are being planned for this weekend in at least 10 Chinese cities. Chinese websites are buzzing with angry rhetoric. And the anniversary of the May 4 Movement is looming,” the newspaper noted.
While most of the media has focussed on the implications of Chinese nationalism, the Los Angeles Times, in a comment entitled “Japan’s revisionist history”, warned of the dangers of Japanese militarism. “The ultimate consequence of whitewashing the past could be the demise of Japan’s admirable Peace Constitution, allowing Japan to retool its formidable industrial base into a weapon industry threatening its neighbors and possibly triggering an unprecedented arms race and another world war,” it stated.
The potential for a military clash between the two countries over the disputed area of the East China Sea cannot be ruled out. In an editorial yesterday condemning China for “violating norms of international relations” over the maritime disagreement, the conservative Yomuiri Shimbun condemned previous governments for their “ostrich policy on issues concerning Japan’s giant neighbour”. It concluded by urging the government to “take every possible measure to protect ships digging experimental wells” and to pass legislation to deploy Japanese naval vessels to do so.
The WSWS invites your comments.
Copyright 1998-2005
World Socialist Web Site
All rights reserved
I hope both sides can slow down. China needs Japan and the West as much as the West needs China. |
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tangoinasia
Talker
Joined: May 26, 2004
Posts: 123
Status: Offline
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Apr 18, 2005 - 10:31 AM |
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Fuc1 this ****. They eat japanese food, drive japanese cars, invite japanese investors & kiss their ass to invest more. They eat from the hand then bite it.
I agree that japanese government has some **** on their hands. But chinese people that have a japanese restaurant, have nothing to do with this. Car creashing was stupid too. The owner was achinese guy.
If U don't like somebody, don't smile & kiss him then stick a knife on the back. U don't like them, have a problem with them.... don't let them invest in china, don't buy jap. products till they say sorry.
This is tipical chinese ......
With all the respect, it was a bad performed, bad produced play.
Now chinese guys will bomb me 
P.S.
I was there & sow it myself |
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amega
Barker
Joined: Nov 18, 2004
Posts: 199
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 Posted:
Apr 18, 2005 - 08:57 PM |
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China-Japan flames scald business
By J Sean Curtin
The angry wave of anti-Japanese prοtests sweeping China for the past three weeks has generated a deep sense of unease in the business community as it threatens bilateral economic ties. Many fear that the current tensions, sparked initially by the approval of eight revisionist Japanese history textbooks, could significantly disrupt booming trade and investment flows.
Tokyo stocks plummeted across the board on Monday, with the key Nikkei index recording its biggest one-day loss in 11 months and ending at a four-month low. About 81 stocks fell for every one that gained on the Tokyo Stock Exchange's first section, its broadest decline since September 12, 2001, the day after the terror strikes in the United States. Monday's drop wiped US$115 billion off the value of stocks included in the Topix, reported Bloomberg.
Since the demonstrations begun, Japanese nationals working in China have begun to feel increasingly uneasy, and some are already planning to leave. Business confidence has taken a severe knock, especially after this weekend's violent anti-Japanese disturbances in Shanghai, a city where more than 40,000 Japanese expatriates live. Chinese threats to boycott Japanese goods as well as an escalating dispute about exploration rights in the East China Sea are edging a tense situation toward breaking point.
Until now, healthy bilateral trade volumes have been largely unaffected by poor Sino-Japanese political dialogue. However, there are very real indications that unless political leaders moderate their tough nationalist rhetoric, mutually beneficial economic bonds could start to deteriorate. Sunday's awkward meeting of Japanese Foreign Minister Nobutaka Machimura and his Chinese counterpart Li Zhaoxing in Beijing produced little discernable progress. Tokyo demanded an apology for the demonstrations and Beijing refused to give one.
Linda Yueh, an expert on the Chinese economy at the London School of Economics (LSE), warned, "There is potential for serious economic consequences, particularly with the suggestion of a boycott of Japanese goods in China." Despite the present strains, she is hopeful that sound economic logic will prevail. "The strong and growing economic ties between the two countries, particularly in terms of trade and investment, have the potential to withstand the current tense political situation."
China is Japan's biggest trading partner, accounting for 20.1% of its trade in 2004. In concrete terms, it was worth a staggering 22.2005 trillion yen ($206.56 billion) in 2004 with exports to China hitting 11.8278 trillion yen and imports totting up to 10.3727 trillion yen. Major Japanese firms such as Toyota Motor Corp are expanding rapidly in China while big Chinese players such as the Shanghai Electric Group are entering the Japanese market.
Any disruption to investment flows would seriously damage both economies, increasing the chances of harming bilateral commerce. Professor Christopher Pokarier, an economist at Waseda University who recently returned from Shanghai, says, "While it is always difficult to put a firm figure on the economic cost of worsening Sino-Japanese relations, politics can and does impact on business. The effects are difficult to separate out from other developments in the business environment but nonetheless might be felt through regulatory impacts on Japanese firms operating in China, demand for Chinese products, and poorer progress on bilateral resolution of barriers to closer economic engagement."
The Chinese authorities have attempted to ease tensions by restricting demonstrations, ordering the media not to report the disturbances and temporarily closing some universities, which have acted as hotbeds for anti-Japan prοtests. However, it is unclear how anti-Japanese sentiment can be effectively contained now that it has been so passionately ignited. The most recent demonstration in Shanghai, Shenzhen and other cities clearly indicate that anti-Japanese feelings are spreading and prοtesters are prepared to defy bans on demonstrations.
In recent years, a variety of incidents have sparked anti-Japanese prοtests and riots, but none succeeded in damaging trading links or developed into a meaningful boycott. The latest outbursts arose in conjunction with a movement to boycott Japanese products, but this campaign has so far failed to have any significant impact. For the present, most Chinese consumers are not shunning Japanese goods, allowing Japanese businesses to operate almost normally. Japanese supermarket chain Ito-Yokado successfully opened a huge new store in Beijing last Thursday without incident. Once its doors were open, it was swarmed with thousands of keen Chinese shoppers. For the moment, Japanese companies are breathing an uneasy sigh of relief, but there is palpable sense of uncertainty about the future.
A senior Japanese executive living in Beijing told Asia Times Online, "The current problems stem from poor political management and have absolutely nothing to do with the way we conduct our business in China. The failure of politicians is threatening successful ventures. This cannot be and must not be allowed to happen. What the Japanese and Chinese leaders must do is resolve their differences before they harm our economic prospects."
Despite the current gloom, many business people still believe economics will prevail. A Shanghai-based Japanese businessman who did not wish to be identified told Asia Times Online, "If we can rise above the current passions, we see it is not in China's or Japan's economic interest to have bad relations. We have invested billions of yen in China and it would be economic suicide for both to attempt to disengage from this process." Many Japanese in Shanghai were heartened last week when the municipal government announced that it would not allow any anti-Japanese prοtests. However, the fact that on Saturday tens of thousands of people defied these warnings and staged violent demonstrations illustrates how easily nationalist passions can defeat economic logic.
Phil Deans, director of the Contemporary China Institute at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London, said: "The situation for Chinese nationals residing in Japan and individual Japanese living in China is becoming more precarious, and the two governments must be worried about the possible consequences of specific acts of violence and possible reprisals further damaging the relationship."
The wife of a Japanese business executive said: "Since these demonstrations, I have felt uncomfortable. I worried about the safety of my children. They go to a Japanese school and I am scared it might be the target of a demonstration. When I am out shopping, I never speak Japanese. We keep a low profile. It is not a happy situation."
Professor Pokarier said: "The new caution of Japanese business communities and their families in China might have an impact on the deployment of Japanese executives to China. This might have indirect, but nonetheless important, implications for business relations between the two nations."
While a host of decades-old historical, territorial and political issues have plagued Tokyo's relations with its neighbors, many lay the blame for the current tense climate squarely on the shoulders of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi. A Beijing-based Japanese sales executive who has watched with alarm as political relations have steadily worsened in recent years said: "I blame this situation solely on Koizumi. We should apologize more to China. It just doesn't make sense to unnecessarily upset China. Koizumi should stop his [Yasukuni] shrine visits. It is hurting our investments and threatening the lives of the Japanese people working in China."
Said Ryoji Yamauchi, a political commentator and president of Asahikawa University: "Koizumi is the most nationalist prime minister since the end of the war. His insensitive behavior has offended millions of Asians and is largely responsible for our current difficulties with China."
The Chinese leadership has repeatedly singled out Koizumi's pilgrimages to the war-tainted Yasukuni Shrine as the main factor inhibiting bilateral political dialogue. Yasukuni serves as a memorial to Japan's war dead, but since 1978 has also controversially honored 14 Class A war criminals, including the wartime leader General Hideki Tojo. Beijing regards the shrine as the spiritual symbol of Japan's brutal wartime regime and therefore considers prime-ministerial patronage as unacceptable in the same way Israel would not tolerate German leaders visiting a Nazi memorial.
Since taking office in April 2001, Koizumi has made a high-profile excursion to the shrine every year, sparking widespread regional prοtests on each occasion. These pilgrimages are seen as the reason he has not been allowed to visit China since October 2001. Only one previous Japanese prime minister, Yasuhiro Nakasone, visited the shrine while in office back in 1985. His single outing sparked such intense prοtests that until Koizumi, Japanese leaders avoided the establishment in deference to Chinese sensitivities.
Yiyi Lu, a researcher at the Royal Institute for International Affairs in London, said: "In the past, when China protested against the Japanese prime minister's visit to the Yasukuni Shrine, the PM would take notice and make amends. The current one just tells China to take a hike. Japan has become much more assertive recently, not worrying about offending China as it did before. This new assertiveness is something the Chinese government and the public are not used to, therefore it sparks a lot of anger."
Koizumi denies that his contentious shrine forays are directly connected to rising anti-Japan sentiment and the recent prοtests. "Those are separate issues," he told a disbelieving press conference recently, adding, "The situation has developed over a long period." He has grudgingly conceded that there is "some" connection, but declines to say whether he will pay homage at the shrine this year. Both Chinese President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao have personally warned Koizumi not to go this year as 2005 marks the 60th anniversary of the end of World War II. If Koizumi defies Beijing, much more violent and widespread prοtests will probably erupt in China, increasing the risk of damaging economic ties.
J Sean Curtin is a GLOCOM fellow at the Tokyo-based Japanese Institute of Global Communications. |
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blablabla
Raver
Joined: Apr 30, 2005
Posts: 378
Status: Offline
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| Posted:
Apr 30, 2005 - 01:05 PM |
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no it is NOT! It is in Osaka. |
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